The war waged ever since they were in power to the influent group in Bacau, headed by Viorel Hrebenciuc, transferred to the opposition too. Apart from this war, fought mostly by Ioan Rus, the representative of the 'group', the reforming forces who seemed in control of the PSD were weakened by an open conflict against Ion Iliescu, the eternal daddy. Slowly, but certainly, the reform makers lost main pawns, culminating in the alteration of the group's vital product, Mircea Geoana. After speaking double language for two years, he surrendered to political and economic flattery and he was fully 'wrapped' by the very ones he would criticize with proletarian rage. Geoana left the 'group' together with Dan Nica, a vice president of the PSD branch in Galati, and Ilie Sarbu, a top Social-Democrat in Timis. Older conflicts and bills unpaid under the previous government's rule made some outstanding leaders of the Transylvanian branches join sides opposing the 'group'. Nita, the noisy PSD president in Brasov, together with Cindrea, the PSD official in Sibiu and Rus, a PSD head in Alba, became envoys to express the message against the group not only within the PSD, but also in the public space. From all that used to be on their side, Ioan Rus & co. were left only with support from Mures (where Natea rules), Salaj (headed by Marc), Maramures (where Gidja is in charge), Hunedoara (headed by Rudeanu), Bistrita (where Pupeza reigns), Bihor (ruled by Bar), Satu-Mare (coordinated by Ciocan) and partly Arad (ruled by Remetan). And there is also Nichita, the mayor of Iasi, and the unpredictable Ponta in Gorj who are still supporting the Cluj group. Even the attempt to prevent the PSD from opening a blind battle against the Cotroceni man in the referendum was used as a form of planned betrayal by approaching the presidential party of Basescu and Geoana. The collaboration, unhidden to the public eye, of Vasile Blaga and Ioan Rus, 'leader of the reformist group in the PSD', contributed to it significantly. And as a last weapon against the group, Hrebenciuc & co. brought Marian Vanghelie, a top PSD member in Bucharest, to light from amidst a rude and proletarian PSD. His action has been the one he practiced before with Adrian Nastase and Dan Ioan Popescu, like a baseball bat used in agora dialogue. All these years the 'Cluj group' has probably lacked a political character able to counter someone like Vanghelie or others of the kind. There are lots of such people in the PSD, since Oprisan, Mazare, Oprescu, Marza, Ion Stan and Ioan Vasile are still there. This character to be lured to the group needed knowledge of the secrets of the government who had ruled in the troubled times between 2001-2003. He also had to be as crazy as a guerilla fighter, familiarized with wrestling against some Cozmanca or Mihailescu. Cozmin Gusa, initially used by Nastase in his dispute against Dan Ioan Popescu, Hrebenciuc and Mitrea and then used by candidate Basescu during the electoral campaign against Nastase & co., could have been an ideal solution to counter the attacks coming from Bucharest and Bacau with the same weapons. Right now the future of the reform conceived by the 'group' for the PSD is more than uncertain. There are some who don't even hesitate in publicly asking that the dissidents in Ardeal should be done away with.

Rares BOGDAN